With the rise of Hitler and the accumulation of power by the Nazi Party in the late 1920s and 1930s, National Socialism as a synthesis of philosophy and politics became the dominant ideology in Germany. Hitler and the Nazi Party created this political system on the foundations of National Socialism and used the ideology, which was considered to be more of a worldview, and its practice as a way of maintaining total control and justifying its expansion of power. Consequently, scholars have looked to analyze National Socialism under the Nazi Party and its authors or contributors in order to understand how the Party was able to establish total control in Germany and rally such massive support. Often cited are Nazi intellectuals including Alfred Baeumler, Alfred Rosenberg and Martin Heidegger who all looked to translate and apply the thinking of Friedrich Nietzsche to shape and justify Nazi ideology. Nietzsche’s writings included a vocabulary which easily fit into National Socialism and Nazi propaganda, particularly his notions on the will to power and the idea of the Superman. As a result, Nazi intellectuals looked to explain that National Socialism was the active practice of Nietzsche’s ideas as a way to gain support and legitimacy. However, other intellectuals during the time of the Third Reich often criticized the pro-Nazi translation of Nietzsche, labeling the works of Baeumler, Rosenberg and Heidegger as a misinterpretation of Nietzsche’s writings. The purpose of this paper is not to analyze how accurate Nazi intellectuals’ translations were but rather the degree to which the Nazi Party put into practice Nietzsche’s ideas and the criticisms that emerged as a result. However in order to understand how the Nazi Party applied Nietzsche’s ideas to the Third Reich, it is necessary to explain why Nazi intellectuals pointed to Nietzsche and understand their role within the Nazi Party and their translations of Nietzsche to justify National Socialism. Then it will be possible to understand how Nietzsche’s ideas were put into practice and the criticisms that emerged from other intellectuals.
In the late 1920s and 1930s, the Nazi Party began to increase its power in Germany under the leadership of Hitler and his ideas put forward in Mein Kampf. However while Hitler’s ideas were able to rally support, Mein Kampf seemed to be “lacking in the final distinctions of literary form and philosophical penetration” calling for some sort of reinforcement to legitimize and justify his radical claims for German nationalism.[1] By the 1920s, Nietzsche was already a well-known and accepted German philosopher whose nihilistic views and criticisms of Christianity, parliamentary government and modern moral values seemed to fit perfectly into the National Socialist framework.[2] Furthermore Nietzsche’s writings often took the form of aphorisms which provided the opportunity for Nazi intellectuals to translate and interpret Nietzsche’s ideas as a justification of National Socialism and Hitler’s claims in Mein Kampf. Thus by drawing parallels between Nietzsche’s writings and National Socialism and promoting the idea that Hitler and National Socialists were carrying out Nietzsche’s ideas, the Nazi Party was able to gain a sense of credibility. Germans began to believe that National Socialism was not simply a political ideology but was an all-encompassing worldview and a higher philosophy of life because it was based on the ideas of a well-respected German intellectual.[3] As a result, Nietzsche became portrayed as the ultimate source of National Socialism and appeared in Nazi propaganda as the true philosopher or “Fascist forefather” of the Nazi Party.[4] Nietzsche provided the philosophy of heroism that Hitler was determined to carry out and it was this association between Hitler and Nietzsche that strengthened and justified Hitler’s own ideas and the National Socialist worldview.[5]
The association between Nietzsche and National Socialism, however, appeared among official Nazi organs well before Hitler’s appointment as Chancellor in 1933.[6] Nazi intellectuals including Alfred Baeumler, Alfred Rosenberg, and Martin Heidegger along with Nietzsche’s sister Elisabeth Förster-Nietzsche found fundamental parallels between Nietzsche’s work and National Socialism and thus looked to translate Nietzschean principles in a way that would justify this Nazi philosophy and worldview. Alfred Baeumler was an established German philosopher by 1931 the year in which he wrote Nietzsche: The Philosopher and Politician.[7] In his book, Baeumler “transformed Nietzschean philosophy into a collective politics, anchored on the struggle for dominance between opposing cultural world-views.”[8] Baeumler interpreted Nietzsche’s nihilism and heroic realism as a call for a new form of politics and a new German state, the same goals that were being promoted by National Socialism. At the same time, the Nazi Party was looking for academics and philosophers who could provide intellectual and political support.[9] As a result, Baeumler was appointed as a professor at the University of Berlin and the chief liaison between the German universities and the ideological education of the Nazi Party.[10] Baeumler became responsible for educating the Nazi Youth about Nietzsche in such a way that revealed Nietzsche’s seemingly inherent support for National Socialism. In his Fourth Volume on Nietzschean principles titled “Nietzsche’s Philosophy as Witnessed by Himself [translated from Nietzsches Philosophie in Selbstzeugnissen]” Baeumler himself selects over 500 pages from Nietzsche’s texts which he considers to be comprehensible for the Nazi Youth and a justification of National Socialism.[11] Thus it was predominantly Baeumler who provided the link between Nietzsche’s writings and National Socialism by teaching his translation of Nietzsche’s philosophy to German students.
Alfred Rosenberg and Martin Heidegger were both influenced by Baeumler’s translations of Nietzsche. Rosenberg served as the Nazi Party director for German intellectual and philosophical enlightenment, the leader of the Party’s foreign office and the editor of the most powerful Nazi journal, Volkische Beobachter.[12] Rosenberg met Baeumler in 1929 as both members of the National Socialist Cultural Association and once Rosenberg assumed his position in the Nazi Party he made Baeumler the head of the intellectual and enlightenment division for academic and intellectual questions in which Baeumler was able to advise and influence the philosophical texts that were being distributed from the Party.[13] From this association, Rosenberg came to understand and admire Nietzsche’s writings based on Baeumler’s own interpretations. It was Rosenberg who declared that it took World War I and the beginning of National Socialism to reveal and appreciate Nietzsche’s meaning. He went further to say that only a conscious National Socialist is capable of comprehending Nietzsche.[14] While Baeumler was responsible for translating Nietzsche’s philosophy and making it suitable and usable for the Nazi Party, Rosenberg served as the bridge between the philosophic and political spheres and was able to incorporate Baeumler’s interpretations into the Nazi agenda.
Heidegger was a much more well-known and respected German intellectual who became a member of the Nazi Party in 1933.[15] Heidegger became exposed to Baeumler’s intellectual works through reading Baeumler’s introduction to J.J. Bachofen.[16] Heidegger agreed with both Baeumler and Nietzsche on the will to power and that the history of philosophy had come to an end and the only solution for overcoming Nietzsche’s predicted nihilism was through the application of Nietzschean philosophy.[17] Just as the Nazi Party had looked to promote Nietzsche as an intellectual and philosophical source of National Socialism – through Baeumler’s translations and writings – they also pointed to Heidegger as a widely accepted academic source and Nazi Party member to portray National Socialism as both a political ideology but also as a credible intellectual philosophy ultimately forming an overarching world-view.
The translations of Nietzsche by German intellectuals, however, would not have been possible without the help of Nietzsche’s sister Elisabeth Förster-Nietzsche. After her marriage to a German nationalist and anti-Semite, Bernhard Förster in 1885, Elisabeth took control of her brother’s manuscripts in the 1890s when he became suddenly ill and “by the 1920s she had promoted her brother as a philosopher of fascism.”[18] Much of Nietzsche’s works that she had collected were outlines and proposals, specifically for his piece of work Der Wille zur Macht, or The Will to Power which he was unable to finish before he became ill. However, Elisabeth took these outlines and scattered notes that Nietzsche had written and pieced them together and had the work published, giving the impression that Nietzsche had actually completed Der Will zur Macht.[19] Although the book was composed of Nietzsche’s own writing, it was structured and put together by his sister who wanted to make Nietzsche popular among his German readers, consequently making her a popular figure by association. After Friedrich Nietzsche’s death in 1900, Elisabeth began the creation of the Nietzsche Archiv, finished in 1903 and acquired by the Nazi Party only decades later.[20] As translations of Nietzsche began to emerge by Nazi intellectuals and with Elisabeth’s Nietzsche Archiv facing bankruptcy, she sought financial assistance from a committee of National Socialists that looked to produce more volumes of Nietzsche’s works. Consequently, the Nietzsche Archiv began to attract more National Socialists, including none other than Adolph Hitler.[21] Hitler made numerous visits to the Nietzsche Archiv and in 1935 told Elisabeth that he would provide finances for a Nietzsche memorial auditorium and library which would be used to educate the German Youth on Nietzsche’s doctrines of the master race.[22] Thus while it was Hitler’s visits to the Nietzsche Archiv that seemed to promote and popularize the philosopher throughout Nazi Germany, it was Elisabeth’s translation of this philosophy that Hitler had been attracted to.
The emergence of World War I in 1914 gave Elisabeth her first window to promote Nietzsche as a German nationalist. She printed in article for the Berlin Newspaper, Der Tag entitled “Nietzsche und der Krieg” in which she explains that Nietzsche would have welcomed the war and defended his country. Elisabeth writes, “If there was a friend of war, who loved warriors and those who struggle, and placed his highest hopes on them, then it was Friedrich Nietzsche…that is why so many young heroes are marching into enemy territory with Zarathustra in their pocket.”[23] Elisabeth hoped to make Nietzsche a national symbol during the war in order to elevate her own status as well. Despite the criticism of Nietzsche’s “will to power” that emerged after the war, the arrival of German intellectuals like Baeumler and Rosenberg brought Nietzsche and his ideas that were put forth in Der Will zur Macht, thanks to his sister, back into German politics. Baeumler’s interpretation of Der Will zur Macht and Nietzsche’s general thesis of the will to power was based on the most literal and militaristic translations that served as a “doctrinal truth.”[24] Baeumler explains that the will to power refers to a whole system of philosophy, that the world is nothing but the will to power which requires a struggle and then a victory.[25] This understanding of the will to power fit perfectly into the National Socialist framework, particularly Nietzsche’s declaration that “we Germans demand something from ourselves that nobody expected from us – we want more.”[26] Baeumler provided a direct link between Nietzsche and the Nazi Party in their mutual demand for something more, for a new Germany. However Baeumler goes further into Nietzsche’s works to justify more specific elements of National Socialism including anti-Christianity, anti-morality, inequality, racial purity, and authority. Nietzsche “dreamed of wiping out two millennia of ‘anti-nature’ and human disfiguration created by the debilitating morality and conscience invented by Judeo-Christianity.”[27] He labels morality and equality as the most “poisonous poison…for it seems to have been preached by justice but in reality it is the end of all justice.”[28] The Nazi Party looked to promote this attack on Judeo-Christian morals along with Nietzsche’s proclamation that “God is dead” to destroy the existing values and validate the need for a new system and a new Germany governed by National Socialism. According to Baeumler, Nietzsche believed that Christianity appealed to people because they were “weaklings and degenerates” and it is ultimately the responsibility of the state to remove these misfits and the values that preserve their existence.[29] It is this necessity of the removal of the weak misfits along with Nietzsche’s description of the “Superman” that supports the Nazi idea of racial purity. Nietzsche was one of the first thinkers to recognize the importance of race and racial hygiene and apply its imperatives to social life.[30] Nietzsche explains that there existed a higher kind of being, the Superman, “beside whom the rest appeared at best only as garbage or perhaps test material.”[31] Furthermore in order to bring about the existence of this super-being, Nietzsche argues that, “a dominating race can grow up only out of terrible and violent beginnings.[32] Thus this notion that there existed a higher or superior type of being and that its creation must be brought about through violent means was exactly what the Nazi Party used to legitimize its extermination of the degenerate Jewish race. Yet in order to create this superior race and emerge as the leaders of Europe, the Nazi Party required its own leaders and forms of authority to put these ideas into practice. Nietzsche provided contextual support for the importance of discipline as he “praises the virtues of obeying and commanding which he attributes to scholars and officers, and expresses a preference for a military state.”[33] Authority and discipline were fundamental pillars of National Socialism, providing Hitler and the SS men with complete obedience and power. The SS men were thought to be the enforcers of the new “good Europeans” that were turning the goals of the Nazi Party into a concrete reality and Nietzschean philosophy legitimized their authority and actions taken in order to achieve this superior German state. [34]
The application and infusion of Nietzschean philosophy into National Socialism, according to Baeumler, makes National Socialism appear to be “the political reflex of Nietzsche’s re-evaluation and overcoming of transcendentalism in terms of base urges, ultimately reducible to ‘race’ and ‘blood’.”[35] As Rosenberg argues, National Socialism was the ideological and political system that was required to understand and carry out Nietzsche’s philosophy. He adds that the “good Europeans were Germans because they were carrying out Nietzsche’s vision of continental, revolutionary regeneration.”[36] Rosenberg relied heavily on Baeumler’s interpretation of Nietzschean philosophy in order to incorporate Nietzsche into the political and social arena. He used the credible and intellectual philosopher as a political tool to validate National Socialism as the leading world-view of the Nazi revolution. Rosenberg and Heidegger’s translation of Nietzsche were very much influenced by Baeumler and therefore share his interpretations of Nietzsche’s criticisms of Christian-Judeo morals, democracy, and equality and his praise for authority, racial purity and warrior spirit.[37] In his rectorial address after his appointment as the head of a German University in 1933, Heidegger used Nietzschean terminology including strength, danger, struggle, will, overcoming and destiny to describe the German revolution. He also added that Nietzsche was accurate in his assumption that democracy would lead Germany towards death and saw the politics of National Socialism as the response to this crisis.[38] While German intellectuals looked to include Nietzsche’s philosophy in the Nazi Party by associating Nietzsche’s ideas with those of National Socialism, both modes of thought also required the execution of certain actions and the implementation of these ideas into a greater world-view.
The incorporation of Nietzschean philosophy into Nazi culture was most effectively carried out through education. Nietzsche’s works were “integrated into the general school system and served the particular needs of a variety of special-interest organizations.”[39] The Hitler Youth organization was set up in 1933 and attendance was mandatory for all those between the ages of 10 and 18. The organization looked to create future leaders of the Third Reich and by 1939 it had almost 8 million members.[40] At the center of the new philosophy in both the Hitler Youth and other educational institutions were Nietzsche’s texts and his ideas of “illiberalism, anti-humanism and politicized Lebensphilosophie [the Philosophy of Life].”[41] The texts that were distributed to schools and throughout Germany however were edited and included introductions and afterwards written by Nazi intellectuals including Baeumler.[42] These introductions and afterwards were written not only so students and other Germans were able to comprehend Nietzsche’s writings but also so they understood Nietzsche to be the source of National Socialism and a philosopher of the Nazi movement. His works along with other short popular books, including those of Baeumler, Rosenberg and Heidegger were distributed and quickly circulated around the country.[43] Education at German Universities was also reformed to teach the principles of Nietzsche’s works. Nazi intellectuals like Baeumler and Heidegger were appointed as heads of Universities and often taught seminars and gave radio lectures advocating Nietzschean ideas including the role of labor in the new social order.[44] Nietzsche was also the subject of lectures with miners’ and workers’ organizations, specifically his ideas that individuals could be brought from the proletariat into the nation by eliminating the relation between pay and accomplishment.[45] Economic reform was crucial to mobilizing the masses and the Nazi Party once again looked to Nietzsche to justify its economic philosophies and gain support for the implementation of these economic policies into society. Other lectures given by Nazi intellectuals include Baeumler’s address to fellow Nazi philosophers in 1939 in which he presented Nietzsche as the savior in the struggle of life and death against the Jews.[46] Baeumler presented Nietzsche’s work in such a way that directly justified the superiority of German Aryans over Jews and need to annihilate the Jewish race. The interpretation of Nietzsche as a supporter of war and the struggle against the Jews was also incorporated into the training of the Waffen SS. Elite SS journals such as Das Schwarz Korps portrayed the SS men as “soldier[s] of the front [who were] the unity of Nietzsche, worker, peasant and those bourgeois youth who were driven by race to a new configuration.”[47] The SS men were taught that they were the warriors that Nietzsche described in the struggle against the weak and degenerate individuals and were responsible for carrying out Nietzsche’s philosophies and the goals of the Nazi Party. The teachings of Nietzsche and the promotion of his philosophies in seminars, public lectures and other academic realms indicate the use of Nietzsche as a tool in Nazi propaganda. Nazi intellectuals translated Nietzsche’s writings, which often consisted of excluding some of his ideas, and used these interpretations to validate the elements of National Socialism and establish compliance and total obedience within the Nazi Party. While Nietzsche’s concepts and philosophies were taught and clarified in schools, Nietzschean phrases including the “Superman,” “annihilation of decaying races,” or the “will to power” were also turned into Nazi slogans to reveal Nietzsche’s support of German militarism and imperialism.[48] Nietzsche’s vocabulary and ideas were deeply embedded into Nazi culture in such a way that the visions of the Nazi Party which included racial cleansing, domination as a super-race, and imperial expansion and the means to achieve these visions seemed free of any moral restraints or negative consequences.[49] The actions of Hitler and the Nazi Party were not only seen as legitimate but were considered necessary in order to carry out the ambitions of National Socialism which also included the principles of Nietzschean philosophy.
Nietzsche as one of the leading philosophers of the Nazi Party was also implanted into Nazi culture through his association with Hitler. During one of Hitler’s visits to the Nietzsche Archiv in 1934, there was a picture taken of him staring at the bust of Nietzsche. The caption of the picture read, “The Führer before the bust of the German philosopher whose ideas have fertilized two great popular movements: The National Socialist of Germany and the Fascist of Italy.”[50] The picture was distributed throughout the German press and also appeared in German books about Hitler.[51] While the picture may not inform Germans of Nietzschean philosophy, of which they are most likely already well informed, it presents Hitler’s acknowledgement of Nietzsche as an important figure within the Nazi Party. Thus when Germans see the picture of Hitler staring at Nietzsche’s bust they too will acknowledge Nietzsche as a prominent Nazi figure and are more likely to accept his philosophies as part of the Nazi world-view. Conversely, the picture also demonstrates that National Socialism and Nazi ideas are justified by the work of such a renowned German philosopher and therefore must be legitimate. The implementation of Nietzsche’s writings into Nazi culture provided a level of credibility to National Socialism not only for the similar philosophies and ideas shared by both modes of thought by also by the need to carry out these philosophies with actions. National Socialism and Nietzschean philosophy both require action in order for their theories to be fully realized and in order to encourage these actions, the ideas must be deeply embedded in the Nazi world-view held by all of the Party’s members.
While many German intellectuals agreed with Baeumler’s interpretation of Nietzsche as a credible source for National Socialism, there were also many who criticized this translation and saw it as a travesty to Nietzsche’s work. Criticisms of the pro-Nazi translation of Nietzschean philosophy were based on the fact that Nietzsche was actually very critical of German nationalism, an avid individualist, and his writings often seemed to praise Jews rather than denounce them as a weak and degenerate race. Nietzsche writes, “the Germans are impossible for me. When I try to think of a man who runs counter to all my instincts, the result is always a German.”[52] As a result, German philosopher and Nazi member, Dietrick Eckart argues that Nietzsche was an “avowed antinationalist and the great maligner of the German Reich and of Germanism itself.”[53] Not only did Nietzsche criticize the German people, he also attacked the system of the state. In Thus Spake Zarathustra, Nietzsche argues that the “Superman” is only able to exist “beyond or outside the state, rather than within it.”[54] Nietzsche saw a fundamental problem with the German state and the obedience of Germans to the state. He considered Germans to be the herd that was restrained by the boundaries and limitations of the state and it was only until man found a way to break and transcend these boundaries, that he would achieve the Superman. Thus the Superman as a product of the state itself, as the Nazi Party suggested, seemed to contradict Nietzsche’s writings. The Superman also exemplified Nietzsche’s individualism that was inherent to his writings. National Socialist philosopher Ernst Krieck, who was also a Professor at a German University in 1934, saw Nietzsche as “a proponent of rampant individualism, utterly at odds with the völkisch spirit of National Socialism.”[55] The Nazi Party was founded on the ideas of German nationhood and the need to unite Germans as the leaders of Europe, which strongly contradicts Nietzsche’s individualistic Superman free from the restraints of the German nation. However in response to Nietzsche’s rejection of the German nation, Baeumler explains that Nietzsche’s frustrations were in reference to the Second Reich, which aligns Nietzsche even closer to the Nazi Party because they too rejected Bismarck and called for a new German society.[56] Yet given the fact that not many people knew about Nietzsche during the time at which he was writing it is impossible to know whether or not Nietzsche was referring to Germans in the Second Reich or Germans in general, leaving Nietzsche’s writings ambiguous and open to different interpretations. The radical German Kurt Tucholsky noted in 1932, “tell me what you need and I will supply you with a Nietzsche citation.”[57] Nietzsche often wrote in parables and aphorisms making it difficult to provide a literal and accurate translation of his philosophy. Tucholsky and other German intellectuals were hesitant to accept Nietzsche’s works as a justification for National Socialism because of this ambiguity and the likelihood for misinterpretation.
Nietzsche’s sentiments towards the Jewish race, however, are much more clearly defined. In Human, All Too Human, Nietzsche calls for the creation of a mixed race which includes Jews based on the notion that “the Jew will be just as usable and desirable as an ingredient of [the European mixed race] as any other national residue.”[58] Nietzsche’s inclusion of Jews in this creation of the European race is hardly a validation for the extermination of the Jewish race as Baeumler suggests. Nietzsche also praises the Jews in his autobiographical Ecce Homo, stating that “Jews among Germans are always the higher race – more refined, spiritual, kind.”[59] Not only does Nietzsche include Jews in his mixed European race but he goes even further claiming that Jews are in fact the higher and superior race in relation to Germans. Nietzsche’s philosophy with regard to the Jewish race thus stands in direct opposition to the Nazi view of the Jewish race. As a result, Baeumler and other Nazi intellectuals chose to ignore these parts of Nietzsche’s writings or wrote them off as deviations from Nietzschean philosophy.[60] This ignorance of Nietzsche’s writings as a whole and the random selection of Nietzschean phrases that seemed to coincide with National Socialism drew much criticism as well towards the pro-Nazi Nietzsche.
Despite his initial acceptance of Baeumler’s interpretation of Nietzsche and the parallels between Nietzschean philosophy and National Socialism, Heidegger eventually began to question the legitimacy of this comparison. By the late 1930s, the philosophical promises and ambitions of the Nazi Party had not translated into concrete realities.[61] Heidegger began to view Baeumler’s philosophy and interpretation of Nietzsche as the ultimate fulfillment of nihilism rather than its overcoming.[62] In his earlier work, Heidegger agreed with Baeumler that Nietzsche’s works provided the solution for the end of the Second Reich and the creation of a new German state. However over time, Heidegger came to understand that Nietzsche’s philosophy “proved to be only a different historical manifestation of that same nihilism.”[63] Heidegger began to withdraw from the study of Nietzsche as a political thinker, whereas Baeumler continued to interpret Nietzschean philosophy as the foundation for a political movement.[64] As the Nazi Party began to lose momentum, many intellectuals shared Heidegger’s skepticism and began to lose faith in Nietzsche’s writings as a basis for the new German state. For these philosophers, Nietzsche’s philosophy proved to fall under the same nihilistic cycle that Nietzsche looked to transcend. Just as Judeo-Christian moral values and democracy would lead society towards its own destruction, as Nietzsche explained, Heidegger and other intellectuals believed that Nietzche’s ideas for the remaking of society would also only come to an inevitable end. However, whether or not the translations of Nietzsche’s writings were accurate or a legitimate source for National Socialism, it is undeniable that the Nazi Party considered Nietzsche the philosopher of National Socialism and looked to carry out his philosophy as a justification of Nazi principles and ambitions.
The Nazi Party promoted National Socialism not only as an ideology that held their movement together, but as an all-encompassing world-view and way of life that was deeply embedded into Nazi culture. As a result, the Nazi Party relied on the work of credible German philosophers, like Nietzsche, whose translations would justify and legitimize its National Socialist ideology. German intellectuals and Nazi members at the time including Alfred Baeumler, Martin Heiddeger, Alfred Rosenberg and Elisabeth Förster-Nietzsche all provided translations of Nietzsche that promoted him as a fascist philosopher who would have supported the Nazi Party and National Socialism. Consequently, Nazi propaganda began to fill itself with Nietzschean phrases while Nazi education taught all of the German youth about Nietzsche’s philosophy specifically the Superman, the will to power and anti-Judeo-Christian morality and values, following Elisabeth Förster-Nietzsche and Baeumler’s interpretations. While there were critics of these translations and of the application of Nietzsche’s writings to National Socialism, many accepted Nietzsche as a philosopher of National Socialism and bought into the ideology of the Nazi Party because they believed it was a practical reflection of Nietzsche’s works. Thus the attempt to comprehend how the Nazi Party and National Socialism was able to gain credibility by basing its political philosophy on Nietzsche’s own philosophy, provides a step in understanding how the Nazi Party was able to obtain so much power and influence over Nazi Germany and gather support for its goals to exterminate the Jewish race and expand its control into a dominating world power.
[1] C. Brinton, “The National Socialists’ Use of Nietzsche” in the Journal of the History of Ideas (Pennsylvania 1940), 134.
[2] Ibid.
[3] S. Aschheim, The Nietzsche Legacy in Germany: 1890-1990 (Berkley 1992), 235.
[4] Hans Sluga, Heidegger’s Crisis: Philosophy and Politics in Nazi Germany (Cambridge 1993), 42; John Rodden, “Zarathustra Unbound? The New Nietzsche in the New Germany” in The Midwest Quarterly (Pittsburg 1998), 51.
[5] Sluga, Heidegger’s Crisis, 131.
[6] Aschheim, The Nietzsche Legacy, 234-235.
[7] M. Whyte, “The Uses and Abuses of Nietzsche in the Third Reich: Alfred Baeumler’s ‘Heroic Realism’” in the Journal of Contemporary History (London 2008), 172.
[8] Whyte, “The Uses and Abuses of Nietzsche”, 182.
[9] Sluga, Heidegger’s Crisis, 125.
[10] G. Mosse, Nazi Culture: Intellectual, Cultural and Social Life in the Third Reich (New York 1966), 93.
[11] C. Brinton, Nietzsche (Cambridge 1941), 224.
[12] D. Thompson, “National Socialism: Theory and Practice” in Foreign Affairs (1935), 563.
[13] Sluga, Heidegger’s Crisis, 224.
[14] Aschheim, The Nietzsche Legacy, 237.
[15] Sluga, Heidegger’s Crisis, 3.
[16] Sluga, Heidegger’s Crisis, 151.
[17] Aschheim, The Nietzsche Legacy, 263-264.
[18] C. Diethe, Nietzsche’s Sister and the Will to Power (Chicago 2003), 36; R. Wistrich, “Was Nietzsche a Fascist Thinker?” in Partisan Review (Boston 2001), 204.
[19] Diethe, Nietzsche’s Sister, 93-95.
[20] Diethe, Nietzsche’s Sister, 93.
[21] Diethe, Nietzsche’s Sister, 146-149.
[22] Rodden, “Zarathustra Unbound?”, 52.
[23] Diethe, Nietzsche’s Sister, 137-138.
[24] Whyte, “The Uses and Abuses of Nietzsche”, 180.
[25] Sluga, Heidegger’s Crisis, 130
[26] A. Baeumler, “Nietzsche and National Socialism” in Nazi Culture Intellectual, Cultural and Social Life in the Third Reich (New York 1966), 100.
[27] Wistrich, “Was Nazi a Fascist Thinker?”, 202
[28] Z. Szaz, “The Ideological Predecessors of National Socialism” in The Western Political Quarterly (Utah 1963), 935.
[29] Baeumler, “Nietzsche and National Socialism, 100.
[30] Aschheim, The Nietzsche Legacy, 243.
[31] Mosse, Nazi Culture, 305.
[32] Aschheim, The Nietzsche Legacy, 247.
[33] Szaz, “The Ideological Predecessors of National Socialism”, 935.
[34] Whyte, “The Uses and Abuses of Nietzsche”, 191.
[35] Whyte, “The Uses and Abuses of Nietzsche”,190.
[36] Aschheim, The Nietzsche Legacy, 249.
[37] Brinton, “The National Socialists’ Use of Nietzsche”, 138.
[38] Whyte, “The Uses and Abuses of Nietzsche”, 184.
[39] Aschheim, The Nietzsche Legacy, 245.
[40] K. Hildebrand, The Third Reich (London 1984), 44-45.
[41] Aschheim, The Nietzsche Legacy, 240-241.
[42] Whyte, “The Uses and Abuses of Nietzsche”, 173.
[43] Brinton, “The National Socialists’ Use of Nietzsche”, 132.
[44] Aschheim, The Nietzsche Legacy, 245.
[45] Aschheim, “Nietzschean Socialism – Left and Right” in the Journal of Contemporary History (1988), 157.
[46] Whyte, “The Uses and Abuses of Nietzsche”, 185-186.
[47] Aschheim, The Nietzsche Legacy, 245.
[48] Wistrich, “Was Nietzsche a Fascist Thinker?”, 203-205.
[49] Wistrich, “Was Nietzsche a Fascist Thinker?”, 203.
[50] Sluga, Heidegger’s Crisis, 179.
[51] Ibid.
[52] Brinton, “The National Socialists’ Use of Nietzsche”, 141
[53] Aschheim, The Nietzsche Legacy, 253.
[54] M. Ball, “The Leadership Principle in National Socialism” in the Journal of the History of Ideas (Pennsylvania 1942), 82.
[55] Whyte, “The Uses and Abuses of Nietzsche”, 188.
[56] Whyte, “The Uses and Abuses of Nietzsche”, 185.
[57] Wistrich, “Was Nietzsche a Fascist Thinker?”, 201.
[58] Sluga, Heidegger’s Crisis, 46.
[59] Wistrich, “Was Nietzsche a Fascist Thinker?”, 206.
[60] Ibid.
[61] Whyte, “The Uses and Abuses of Nietzsche”, 189.
[62] Whyte, “The Uses and Abuses of Nietzsche”, 190.
[63] Sluga, Heidegger’s Crisis, 270.
[64] Sluga, Heidegger’s Crisis, 152.
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